Peter Dutton may not have Trump’s flamboyance or use the same language, but the DNA of his core policy is startlingly similar.
Both represent a turn toward right-wing nationalism, institutional distrust, economic elitism, and social regression, with a strong emphasis on military power and cultural division.
Now Trump is back in the White House. But long before his return, Trumpism had already taken root in Australia—and its chief ambassador is Dutton himself.
The federal Opposition Leader has spent years quietly rehearsing and borrowing from Trump’s playbook: divide and conquer, fear the outsider, undermine trust in institutions, distract with culture wars, and serve the interests of the wealthy while claiming to champion the working class. Dutton is by no means a man defending and advocating for the average Australian, he’s anything but.
He mightn’t tweet in all caps or hold bombastic rallies, but in policy and posture, Dutton’s crafting a version of Trumpism tailored to Australia. The similarities are wildly dangerous. The differences are paper thin.
In a little than under three months, Trump hasn’t only picked up the baton in the relay exchange from Biden, but he’s accelerating America’s path to the finish line of ruination and collapse. The US is an out-of-control train destined for the scrapheap.
Dutton may claim he isn’t a Trump clone or Trump-lite, but on almost every major policy front—from immigration to climate, the economy to foreign affairs—his vision aligns closely, if not identically, with the most divisive president in US history.
Trump’s border wall was never really about immigration policy—it was about fear and control. Dutton’s taken the same approach, presiding over some of the harshest immigration and asylum policies Australia has seen: boat turn-backs, indefinite offshore detention, and temporary protection visas keeping refugees in limbo.
Like Trump, Dutton has framed outsiders—particularly Muslims, asylum seekers, and migrants—as threats to “our way of life.” He’s embraced cruelty as a deterrence, not just as policy but as a political strategy – resulting in a poisoned public debate and a generation of vulnerable people treated as political fodder.
Trump rode to power by stoking identity politics—ironically, while accusing others of it. “Real Americans” became code for white, conservative, and Christian. Dutton’s “mainstream Australians” is cut from the same cloth.
Dutton’s positioned himself as the defender of “ordinary Aussies” against elites, activists, and anyone who dares challenge the status quo. He opposed the Voice to Parliament on constitutional grounds, and by framing it as a “woke” plot by the inner-city left. He attacks the ABC, demonises drag performers, and rails against trans rights—not because they’re pressing national issues, but because they energise a conservative base desperate for a cultural enemy.
Like Trump, Dutton thrives on conflict.
Despite their working-class rhetoric, both pursue economic policies that overwhelmingly benefit the rich. Trump delivered massive tax cuts to corporations and billionaires, slashed regulations for polluters, and gutted worker protections. Dutton opposes increases to the minimum wage, backs tax incentives for big business, and supports massive subsidies for the fossil fuel industry—all while criticising Labor’s modest attempts to lift jobseeker or invest in public services.
This is trickle-down economics 101: enrich the top, hope something falls to the bottom. It’s not working in the US. It won’t work for Australia.
Trump calls climate change a “hoax.” He pulled the US out of the Paris Agreement and rolled back environmental protections. Dutton hasn’t used the same language, but the substance is there. He’s resisted net-zero targets, mocked renewable energy, pushed nuclear as a delay tactic, and doubled down on coal and gas.
As Australia battles droughts, floods, bushfires, and extreme weather, Dutton remains stuck in a past that prioritises profit over planet. Just like Trump, he chooses short-term political gains over long-term survival.
Trump’s foreign policy is defined by nationalism, militarism, and a disdain for international cooperation. He’s pulled the US out of global treaties, trashed NATO, and given Israel a blank cheque, even in the face of human rights violations.
Dutton’s foreign policy mirrors this almost identically. He’s unflinchingly pro-Israel; and Zionist even as international courts investigate a genocide in Gaza. He attacks the UN as biased, pushes aggressive rhetoric against China, and backs AUKUS and military expansion over diplomacy. Like Trump, he confuses strength with firepower and sees allies as liabilities rather than partners.
Trump brands journalists “enemies of the people” and spread conspiracy theories to undermine elections and democratic norms. Dutton is more restrained. He regularly attacks the ABC, dismisses critical coverage as left-wing propaganda, and panders to Murdoch media while dodging real scrutiny.
His time as Home Affairs Minister was marked by an obsession with secrecy and control. He’s shown a clear preference for loyalty over merit—like Trump does. And while Australia may not be facing an insurrection, the erosion of democratic norms start subtly, with populist leaders encouraging distrust in institutions while expanding their own power.
This isn’t just about policy. It’s about the direction of Australia. Under Dutton, the Liberal Party isn’t moving to the centre to meet modern Australia. It’s shifting further right, embracing the politics of fear, resentment, and exclusion that echoes the very worst of American populism.
This movie’s been seen before. It ends with democratic backsliding, polarisation, and a nation torn apart by hate and misinformation. Australia isn’t immune.
Dutton represents a dangerous turn in Australian politics. He’s not just a conservative leader—he’s the face of a homegrown Trumpism that could reshape Australia’s democracy for the worse.
The question for Australians isn’t whether they like Dutton, or whether they want change from Labor. The real question is: are Australians prepared to import Trump-style politics into its own backyard?
The answer should be NO! Nor should Australians sacrifice Australia because they mightn’t like Labor. Not liking over political pragmatism is a dangerous abyss Australia may never return from.
Because Trumpism has arrived, and unless Australians confront it now, they may one day wake up wondering how its democracy slipped away while they were distracted by culture wars and soundbites to stop it.
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There is absolutely no reason for the ICC to further investigate the obvious Palestine genocide. The eyes don't lie. Trump is a proud, arrogant war criminal, same as Netanyahu. He is supplying the bombs and funding the genocide. They both deserve the same fate: justice, the sooner the better for the sake of humanity. If Dutton supports it, bring him to justice as well along with congress, parliament and England's leaders, among others. Genocide can never be made legal. No one is above the law, least of all politicians.
The thing we forget is Labour set the way for Dutton. Policies are set by Labour for the next party. Similar to Democrats, they paved the way for Trump. The two party system is really one, we have been hood winked to believe we are in a democracy where politicians listen to the people that voted them in and not the lobbies that paid for politicians policy making. Labour and Liberal work in tandem, we need to wake up. The labour party we have is a right wing party. None of the two are what Australia needs. Any party supporting genocide, parties that do not have policies to make climate a priority, look after Australians that are working hard to live day to day, students that cannot buy a home because the rich get richer, pay less tax. There is no lesser evil . Both are evil.